Posts Tagged ‘Survey’

25 Web Sites to Watch by PCWorld

June 19th, 2007
|  Subscribe in a reader | Subscribe to poobalan.com by Email


interesting article. Try Quintura, a visual search engine.

poobalan

by Preston Gralla Mon Jun 18, 4:00 AM ET

source

Think that all of the great Web sites have already been invented? Think again. The Internet is evolving in new and inventive ways thanks to mashups that pull data from all over the Web and to AJAX-based interfaces that give sites the same degree of interactivity and responsiveness that desktop apps possess.

» Read more: 25 Web Sites to Watch by PCWorld

Google launches Google Gears – to allow OFFline use

May 31st, 2007
|  Subscribe in a reader | Subscribe to poobalan.com by Email


Gears puts Google in the driver's seat

 

The Google Gears plugin download page.

The Google Gears plugin download page.

 
Stephen Hutcheon
May 31, 2007 – 9:00AM
 

Google is rolling out a technology designed to overcome the major drawback faced by all web-based applications: the fact that they don't work without an internet connection.

Google Gears is an open source technology for creating offline web applications that is being launched today at Google's annual Developer Day gatherings around the world.

"With Google Gears, we're tackling the key limitation of the browser in order to make it a stronger platform for deploying all types of applications and enabling a better user experience," Google CEO Eric Schmidt said in a statement.

The Google Gears technology is designed to be used for web applications such as email and word or image processing.

While it can be used with non-Google applications, it's clear that the web search and advertising giant will be the major beneficiary of what is expected to be an enthusiastic take up.

That enthusiasm is not expected to extend to Microsoft. Google has already invaded the software company's turf, offering Google Apps – its package of workplace programs – as an alternative to Microsoft's Office suite.

To date, the Google replacement proposition hasn't been appealing to large private and public sector organisations partly because of the lack of offline access.

Launched in February, Google's suite of web-based programs includes a word processor, email, a spreadsheet and a calendar.

Google said it would charge corporate customers $US50 ($61) a year for the suite, about a tenth of what Microsoft charges for its Office package.

But there haven't been many takers. In February, it was reported that the Commonwealth Bank suspended a trial of Google Apps, which it was looking at rolling out for its 50,000-strong workforce.

The Gears technology promises to give Google a better platform from which to go after Microsoft's very lucrative Office franchise.

"This is a core piece of technology that we're releasing to the community to really help move the industry forward on solving this problem," Google Australia's senior product manager Carl Sjogreen told smh.com.au.

"For your average web user, the end goal is that basically it's seamless whether you're connected to the internet or not."

He described Gears as a "critical missing piece in the evolution of making the web and the browser a platform for all applications".

The search for a way to give web-based programs the stability and portability of desktop applications has been going on for over a decade.

Several organisations, including Mozilla Corporation, Adobe and Opera Software, have been working on a similar project and are backing the Google push.

Mozilla has already flagged that its upcoming Firefox 3 browser will support offline applications.

To start the ball rolling, Google has "Gears-enabled" its RSS feed reader, Google Reader.

After downloading the Gears plug-in, the browser will automatically determine whether a user is online or offline. If it's the latter, the next time the user is online, the application will synchronise with the server.

Google says it will work with others in the web community to help develop an industry standard that will further facilitate the rollout of hybrid programs which work both online and offline.

"It's something that we're making this available in its early stages and in an open source environment so that everyone can help test its capabilities and help improve upon it," said Mr Sjogreen.

"As more and more people are depending on web applications to manage their lives and get information about what's going on, it becomes and increasing problem when you can't access those applications when you're offline."

 
Google Gears – the game has changed
Posted by Marc Orchant @ 10:30 pm

source

I’m not often left feeling completely astonished these days. I like to think I’m pretty on top of where things are going. But I just got completely blindsided by Google Gears. There’s already plenty of first-glance analysis to help you grasp the magnitude of what they’ve done. I recommend you start by listening to David Berlind’s podcast interview with Linus Upson, a director of engineering at Google about the back story on Gears and what Google is aiming to accomplish with this broadside.

Then you can pop over to Techmeme and read until you can’t take any more guessing, prognosticating, and crystal ball gazing. There’s a huge thread of posts and counter-posts already piling up and at this hour (10:25 p.m. Mountain time) the pace with which this is pushing everything else off the page is pretty impressive.

Rather than trying to tell you “what it all means”, I thought a quick display of Gears in action would be infinitely more interesting. Here’s what I did in about five minutes to turn Google Reader, the tool I’m using to manage my RSS habit these days, into an offline reader. Follow along because I think you’ll be every bit as blown away as I am at how easy this is.

Step 1 – Install Google Gears (as a Firefox add-in in my case). Windows, Mac and Linux Firefox are supported as is Internet Explorer. Safari support is promised soon according to the podcast interview mentioned above.

Step 2 – Click the offline button in Google Reader (next to the account name in the upper right corner of the window). Google Reader asks if you want to download content before going offline. Downloading 2000 items took only a couple of minutes over a WiFi connection.

Step 3 – Disconnect from the intertubes and read your RSS feeds as if you were still connected. When you reconnect to the network, Google Reader synchronizes your local changes (items read, shared and/or starred) with the server and updates new content from your subscription list. Seamless..

Step 4 – There is no Step 4.

This is big folks. In my admittedly limited testing the offline reading experience is completely consistent with what I’ve come to expect when working with Reader online (with the exception of images which are not downloaded for offline viewing). Google is open-sourcing Gears and, as David points out in the post accompanying his podcast interview, they’ve taken a huge step towards defining a de facto standard for taking web apps offline. The reason I think this isn’t just crazy Web 2.0 hype is that Adobe has announced they are aligning their Apollo efforts with the approach Google’s taken with Gears as there are significant similarities in how the two companies have have approached their online/offline application solutions.

There are probably a few freaked out people in the web and hybrid application worlds right about now. Because the game has changed.
 

MCA Selangor MPs go online

May 29th, 2007
|  Subscribe in a reader | Subscribe to poobalan.com by Email


 
By DHARMENDER SINGH

THE Selangor MCA has made its MPs, assemblymen and local councillors more accessible to the people by adding their e-mail contacts on its website www.mca-selangor.-org.my

Residents need only visit the website and click on the list for MPs, assemblymen or local councillors for their particular area to see a link to the respective representatives.  

The state MCA has also issued a stern warning to its representatives that they would face serious action if they fail to respond to queries or issues raised by the people via e-mail.  

Selangor MCA secretary Datuk Ch’ng Toh Eng said the list of all the representatives in the state had been available on the website since it was set up about six years ago. 

»We are trying to get more involvement from the people, especially the younger generation, to help us with our decisions and policies« DATUK CH'NG TOH ENG

“But we only listed the names and positions of the representatives, and there have been many calls from the people to list their contacts as well,” he said during a press conference on Friday.  

Ch’ng said the e-mail addresses listed on the website were those that the representatives used regularly and many were personal e-mail accounts that representatives checked daily. 

He said with the wide usage of internet in the state and its capability to allow photographs and documents to be sent, the state MCA decided that the e-mail would be the best way for the people to contact their representatives. 

He said the new facility to contact representatives was aimed at getting the younger generation to contact leaders and highlight problems. 

“We are trying to get more involvement from the people, especially the younger generation, to help us with our decisions and policies,” he said. 

Ch’ng said the Selangor MCA had launched several internet polls on its website concerning various issues on which feedback was sought from the people but response had been slow.  

“It is probably because many are not aware that there are several interactive features on our website aimed at helping us serve the people better and also for them to raise their concerns,” he said, adding that he believed response would gradually pick up as more people became aware of the internet facilities that were available.  

What actually happened during the 1969 tragedy

May 14th, 2007
|  Subscribe in a reader | Subscribe to poobalan.com by Email


May 11, 07 1:11pm
The series of events surrounding the ‘May 13′ riot has been documented by Dr Kua Kia Soong in his latest book May 13: Declassified Documents on the Malaysian Riots of 1969 which will be launched on Sunday in conjunction with the 38th anniversary of the tragedy.
This compilation, based on various sets of foreign dispatches and confidential reports at the time – which were declassified recently and made available at the Public Records Office in London – has been dubbed as the first credible account on the incident.
“The real circumstances surrounding the worst racial riot in the history of Malaysia have so far not been made available to the Malaysian public. The official version is fraught with contradictions and inadequacies to which few pay credence,” Kua wrote in the book.
Below are excerpts and summary of the chronology of events based on the declassified documents taken from Kua’s book:
May 10:
The ruling Alliance Party suffered a major setback in the general election although it had managed to retain a simple parliamentary majority. They had lost Penang to the Gerakan Party; Kelantan to the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party while Perak and Selangor were at the brink of falling into the opposition’s hands.
May 11 and May 12:
On both nights, the opposition celebrated their victory. A large Gerakan procession was held to welcome the left-wing Gerakan leader V David back from winning the federal seat in Penang.
May 13:
The MCA which had suffered badly at the polls, announced that it would withdraw from the cabinet while remaining within the Alliance.
A dispatch from a foreign correspondent showed it is evident that there was a plan for youths mobilised by Umno elements to assemble at then Selangor menteri besar Harun Idris’ residence in the late afternoon. A retaliatory march had been planned although police permission was withheld.
When people were still assembling for the parade, trouble broke out in the nearby Malay section of Kampung Baru, where two Chinese lorries were burnt. The ensuing carnage at Kampung Baru and Batu Road quickly spread elsewhere in Kuala Lumpur.
The foreign correspondent noted the curfew that was imposed was not fairly applied to all.
“In the side streets off Jalan Hale, I could see bands of Malay youths armed with parangs and sharpened bamboo spears assembled in full view of troops posted at road junctions. Meanwhile, at Batu Road, a number of foreign correspondents saw members of the Royal Malay Regiment firing into Chinese shophouses for no apparent reason.”
Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman immediately attributed the violence as triggered off by the behaviour of opposition supporters after the election result announcement while his deputy Tun Abdul Razak pinned the blame on the communists.
May 14:
The riots continued but on a smaller scale. The curfew was only lifted in staggered hours in various districts to allow people to buy food. The police called out all possible reserves and handed over the northern part of the city to the army.
Police put casualties for the previous night incident at 44 killed and about 150 injured. Another dispatch showed the casualties were mainly Chinese as it stated that out of 77 corpses in the morgue of the General Hospital on May 14, at least 60 were Chinese.
The government’s attempts to blame the communists for the riots were however not taken seriously by the officials at the British High Commission (BHC) who could see that the Tunku was not prepared to blame his own people for the riots, nor was he going to blame it on the Chinese “as a whole”.
May 15:
The King proclaimed a state of emergency. The National Operations Council headed by Tun Razak was formed. Tun Razak was still responsible to the Tunku, but all the powers under Emergency Regulations were vested in him.
The curfew had been lifted temporarily in Kuala Lumpur that morning but the situation had rapidly worsened and more sporadic fighting had broken out. Curfews were re-imposed but food was very short.
The local press was suspended until censorship regulations could be drawn up but no attempt was made to supervise reports sent out by foreign correspondents.
May 16:
The situation was still tense in Selangor with cars and houses being burned and fatalities rising. Death tolls had risen to 89 with over 300 injured. 24 hour curfew remained in force in Selangor and had also been imposed in Malacca. In Penang and Perak, the situation had improved although the curfew remained in force.
Tunku made a broadcast in which he announced the setting up of a National Defence Force to be manned by volunteers. The new information minister Hamzah Abu Samah and Tun Razak gave a press conference pinning the blame for the riots on communist infiltration of the opposition parties.
There were reports of looting by the largely Malay military and their bias against the Chinese Malaysians. Number of refugees were increasing.
May 17:
From a BHC telegram, it showed there were skepticism among British officers toward the official figures for fatalities and the preponderance of Chinese casualties among the dead. The police estimated the deaths at about 100 now while British officers estimated the proportion of Chinese to Malay casualties is about 85:15.
The press censorship invited criticism not only from the local press but also in diplomatic circles especially when official statements lacked clarity and credibility.
In a confidential BHC memorandum to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), the coup d’etat has been acknowledged and it has effected the transfer of power not only to “Malay hands” but also to the security forces. The latter’s professionalism is questioned.
The BHC also noted the Federal Reserve Unit, which at the time was multiracial in composition, was the more impartial of the security forces while the Malay troops were discriminatory in enforcing the curfew.
“Discriminatory takes the form, for example, of not, repeat not, enforcing the curfew in one of the most violently disposed of the Malay areas in Kuala Lumpur (Kampung Baru) where Malays armed with parangs, etc continue to circulate freely; with the inevitable result that gangs slip through the cordon round the area and attack Chinese outside it. In Chinese areas, the curfew is strictly enforced.”
May 18:
The Tunku qualified his earlier assertion that the disturbances were caused by communists, putting the blame instead on assorted “bad elements”. He also announced the deferment of the Sarawak elections and the continuance of the restrictions on the movement of foreign journalists.
The situation was still unsettled in some parts of the capital city.
May 19:
Less than a week after the riots, the reins of power had effectively passed to Tun Razak, indicating that there had been a plot to bring about the coup d’etat.
“The exact relationship between Tun Razak and the Tunku is not clear. In public Tun Razak says he is directly responsible to the Tunku but he has made it clear privately that he is completely in charge of the country. This could mean the beginning of a process of withdrawal by the Tunku as an effective PM”.
There are some 10,000 reported refugees. The local press was allowed to publish under censorship while foreign journalists had their curfew passes withdrawn. Some opposition politicians were arrested.
May 20:
In a meeting, an Australian High Commissioner had suggested the opposition leaders should be given a role as peace maker but Tun Razak and Ghazali Shafie were firmly against this. “They considered opposition leaders would simply use such an opportunity to promote their own political views.”
The Malaysian Red Cross Society is continuing its daily feeding programme for refugees in various places and over 5,000 had received food supplies.
May 21:
The official statistics of casualties at this juncture were 137 killed (18 Malays), 342 injured, 109 vehicles burned, 118 buildings destroyed and 2,912 persons arrested who were mostly curfew breakers.
May 23:
The declassified documents reveal that Malay troops were not only fraternising with the Malay thugs but were discharging their firearms indiscriminately at Chinese shophouses as they went through the city.
“When confronted by foreign correspondents with reports of racial discrimination, Tun Razak flatly denied them. Following this, curfew passes issued to foreign journalists were withdrawn and reporters were ordered to remain indoors ‘for their own safety’.”
A foreign correspondent’s report showed the Malay hooligans were detested by the law-abiding Malays of Kampung Baru.
Internal security and home minister Tun Dr Ismail indicated that the Internal Security Act would be in future amended to “counter changing communist tactics”. It was disclosed that of the 3,699 arrested during the crisis, 952 were members of secret societies.
May 24:
Law and order has been re-established in Kuala Lumpur and the atmosphere in the town had improved. People were going back to work (in non- curfew hours) and the government offices were limbering into action. The curfew remained in force (from 3pm to 6.30am of the following day). The government was not ready to admit that it was armed Malay youth who had caused the disturbances.
May 27:
The Tunku was under pressure to resign as he was clearly incensed by foreign journalists’ speculations about his weakening position and got his private secretary to write a protest note to the BHC.
May 28:
A confidential report by the BHC to the FCO on this day observed the government’s attempts to blame the communists for the disturbances were an attempt to justify their new authoritarian powers.
June:
The riots had been under control but they were still sporadic outbreaks of civil disturbances. A BHC report noted violence erupted again in one part of Kuala Lumpur on the night of June 28 and 29, a number of houses were burnt and the casualties were officially given as five killed and 25 injured. Some disturbances toward the end of June also involved ethnic Indians.
July:
Renewed trouble in which one policeman was killed was quickly stopped from spreading in Kuala Lumpur by positive police action.
Tun Ismail’s firm stand in ordering the security forces to act firmly ‘without favour or discrimination’ to any communal group and the Tunku’s announcement of a National Goodwill Committee made up of politicians of all parties went some way toward allaying the fears of the people.
Tun Ismail also revealed the total arrests since May now stood at 8,114, comprising people “from all the major racial groups”. Of these, 4,192 had been charged in court, 675 released on bail, 1,552 unconditionally released and 1,695 preventively detained.
Situation in the Peninsula had improved substantially but tension remains high in sensitive areas of Malacca, Perak and Selangor.
Tension had begun to ease until Malay agitation connected with Tunku’s return to a position of influence and the removal of Dr Mahathir Mohamad from Umno’s general committee on July 12 had heightened it again. Malay university students petitioned for Tunku’s resignation and demonstrated on the campus.
*** TAKEN FROM A FWD MAIL***

Report on Kg Medan – UUM study

May 14th, 2007
|  Subscribe in a reader | Subscribe to poobalan.com by Email


“”Just as we have Mara for Malays, we should establish something for non-Malays. We must make sure they have a fair shot at getting educated.”
hmmm…
In short, help the poor..all of them; not just some of them based on race.
Spotlight :Poverty led to Kg Medan clashes By : Aniza Damis
http://www.nst.com.my/Current_News/NST/Monday/National/20070514081411/Article/index_html
The troubles of the past few days seem distant for this Malay woman and her Indian friend as they cycle past policemen in Kampung Medan in Petaling Jaya on March 14, 2001.
For such a multiethnic country, Malaysia has been blessed with little ethnic strife. In 50 years of independence, the country has had only three big ethnic clashes. The first — May 13, 1969 — a ‘wake-up call’, is the elephant in the room that no one talks about. The second, Kampung Rawa in 1998, was upsetting, but relatively non-violent. The third, Kampung Medan in 2001, resulted in six deaths. A study, five years later, on Kampung Medan has just been completed. And, as ANIZA DAMIS finds out, these ethnic clashes are symptoms of poverty and social neglect THE story of Kampung Medan is a sad one. On March 9, 2001, a social disagreement between two groups, Malay and Indian, led to racial clashes that took three weeks to calm down. The final tally of that incident: Six dead and more than 400 detained. For Malaysians, who pride themselves on being multiethnic, tolerant and more than happy to celebrate the festivities of other races, the flare-up in Kampung Medan was a blip that marred the country’s harmony. To the outsider, the incident at Kampung Medan is but an example of the “undercurrents” that run beneath the country’s multiethnic makeup, ready to be let loose by those who would let go of their self-control and revert to the laws of the jungle. But is the issue really about racial differences, and are Malay- sians inherently racist? Associate Professor Dr Mansor Mohd Noor doesn’t think the problem is racial.. The problem, he said, was poverty. “If you are poor, you have the same problems. This is our problem, not a Malay or Indian problem,” he added. Having led the Universiti Utara Malaysia team into two studies on the Kampung Medan incident — the first time soon after the incident, and the second time at the end of last year – Mansor said Kampung Medan was a socio-economic problem that manifested itself in racial terms. “Even though the conflict seem-ed to be racially-based, issues of urban poverty, marginalisation and social neglect were the factors that caused the conflict,” said last year’s report, commissioned by the National Unity and Integration Department. “Kampung Medan was a chain of problems, not just one problem,” said Mansor, who is UUM’s Public Management and Law faculty deputy dean. Poverty and marginalisation, he said, led to a breakdown in society. “The people of Kampung Medan had no social life and no social activity. If you reach that level, it will explode. “The people who were involved in that incident came from the low-income group. They had poor self-esteem, no social activities, no link between them and the government, and no link with the community.” What’s even sadder, he said, was that the residents were “double victims”. Not only were they poor, jobless and marginalised, but they were also the victims of violent ethnic conflict. The study — by a team comprising Mansor, Associate Professor Dr Puvenesvary Ravantharanathe Muthiah, Mohd Ainuddin Iskandar Lee Abdullah, and Mohd Dino Khairi Sarifuddin — surveyed the racial unity of residents of Kampung Medan. Among others, the survey looked at problems in daily life and at the national level to see whether the problems that the residents faced were ethnic-based, or whether they were problems that they all shared, irrespective of ethnicity. A questionnaire was answered by 87 Malays and 57 Indians. Most were from the low-income group. Out of seven problems the two ethnic groups faced in their lives, cost of living was the primary concern for both races. Racial problems featured sixth for Malays, and fifth for Indians. National problems that concerned the respondents were corruption, social problems, joblessness and leadership crisis, not religious issues or racial problems, which were considered unimportant. And problems that plagued the village consisted of social problems among youth, lack of infrastructure and poverty.
And in challenges in daily life, although cost of living and welfare and schooling of their children were a worry, dealing with the government was the greatest problem for both ethnic groups. Although the percentage of those who reported these problems might only comprise between 20 and 30 per cent of the Kampung Medan population, the report surmised that the existence of these problems meant that respondents lived in an environment of poverty, with a culture of being poor and marginalised from mainstream society. “This was a millstone around the neck of these residents, which prevented them from achieving social mobility,” said the report. “This might result in this neglected group becoming anti-government, with a tendency (kecenderungan) to solving their problems in an extremist and militant manner.” Although the incident was linked or attributed to ethnicity, it did not involve the Chinese community. This, the study said, “shows that the country’s success in developing the nation to the extent that poverty management among Malays and Chinese has reduced the risk of conflict between the two ethnic communities”. Mansor said rich Malays, Chinese and Indians could use the public space to deal with their problems, but poor Malays and Indians did not have access to this luxury. So, instead, they expressed themselves in terms of ethnicity and religion. In a multi-ethnic community, those who are poor, jobless and marginalised tend to resort to ethnic grouping to defend their own interests. As a result, the ethnic dimension is raised, leading to tension and violence. So, it is this problem of development that is considered to be the cause of the ethnic conflict, and not ethnicity itself. “(The) Kampung Medan (incident) is a problem of the urban poor,” said Mansor, adding that the potential for discord could be shared by other places with the same socio-economic problems as those faced by the residents of Kampung Medan. In Malaysia, a social conflict can turn to an ethnic and religious conflict, starting as a misunderstanding, then escalating and triggering rage that will end in violent conflict. Because of this, said the report, attention needed to be given by the government. Mansor said: “To have national unity, order must come first. We need to aim for zero conflict. But to have zero conflict, we must solve the problem of poverty.” A strong government policy was needed to tackle poverty.
Building low-cost flats and relocating squatters to them is a superficial solution that doesn’t address the problem of pulling the poor out of poverty. “If we want social stability, the poor must be managed. There must be access to education, community-based activities and micro-credit.” The only way to tackle this, he said, was that there must be government sponsorship. “The government must support education for the poor, perhaps by providing boarding schools for them. “Just as we have Mara for Malays, we should establish something for non-Malays. We must make sure they have a fair shot at getting educated.” In addition, a community-based approach should be implemented to make sure the poor have access to social activities and recreation, and opportunity for healthy interaction. On this, Mansor said, the National Unity and Integration Department was “on the right footing” by introducing Rukun Tetangga branches and keeping an eye out on conflict areas. But, he said, tackling social problems like Kampung Medan required the help of all government agencies, especially the Women, Family and Community Development Ministry and the Youth and Sports Ministry. For Mansor, race and ethnicity were not stumbling blocks or problems. “Don’t look at it in black-and-white. The tremendous colours that Malaysia has indicate harmony rather than conflict. We should celebrate diversity.”
Green is okay, yellow is worrying, red is dangerous
IS the measure of unity to be found in peace, where a nation’s multiethnic citizens do not fight, or is it to be measured by friendship?
Some sociologists would argue that the polarisation over which we wring our hands, is in fact not polarisation at all, but just the status quo.
“Polarisation is when people who were once together are now apart. But, if you look back at the patterns of Malaysian society, you will see that Malays have always grouped with Malays in their residential and social arrangements, and so too with the Indians and Chinese,” said National Unity and Integration Department director-general Datuk Azman Amin Hassan.
This arrangement, he said, might not be some people’s idea of unity, but was relatively peaceful. And this is the basic level of unity.
“There are other sociologists who believe that Malaysians should mix, that is, live in mixed neighbourhoods, go to schools which are mixed — and eventually, be in mixed marriages. This is another way of looking at unity.
“Neither theory is right or wrong, but each requires a different approach.”
For a long time, unity was measured according to the perception of whether people thought that they were united.
But, said Azman, the instrument for measurement of perception had always been a problem: How do you measure perception?
This is why the department is now focusing on conflict.
“Conflict is easier to measure,” said Azman.
The department has set up a “Traffic Light” system of measuring and pro-actively managing conflict.
In the system, there are three levels of conflict: Green, yellow (amber) and red.
Green is when an issue is raised, but there is nothing to be alarmed about. People might have disagreements, and there might be minor physical altercations.
Yellow is when an occasion has been boiling for some time, or it occurs several times in a short period. At this level, the physical altercation might result in serious injury.
If a situation reaches yellow, then the department will intervene, usually by having Rukun Tetangga (neighbourhood watch) step in, mediate and calm the situation.
The system, which is part of the National Unity and Integration Action Plan, has been up since June.
“As much as possible, we don’t want it to even reach yellow,” he said, adding that the issue that concerned the department involved the controversy over apostasy and religious conversions, which lies between green and yellow.
Finally, the extreme is red. This is when there is serious injury or someone is killed.
In using this tracking system, the department relies on Rukun Tetangga.
“It is not easy for the government to just come in when there is trouble.
“That is why Rukun Tetangga works so well, because it is made up of locals, and who are known to the residents,” Azman said.
Kampung Medan, for instance, did not have an RT branch before the 2001 incident, but it does now.
In the recent Kampung Medan study, it was found that Rukun Tetangga was one area of community activity that drew the most active participation from Malay and Indian residents.