Archive for the ‘BornInMalaysia’ category

New case-Hindu man seeks wife’s release from Islamic reform centre

May 14th, 2007
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Hindu man seeks wife’s release from Islamic reform centre BERNAMA
http://www.nst.com.my/Current_News/NST/Monday/NewsBreak/20070514180725/Article/index_html
SHAH ALAM, MON:
A Hindu man today filed a habeas corpus application to seek the release of his wife, whom he said was illegally detained by the superintendent of the Baitul Aman Faith Reform Centre since Jan 8. » Read more: New case-Hindu man seeks wife’s release from Islamic reform centre

What actually happened during the 1969 tragedy

May 14th, 2007
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May 11, 07 1:11pm
The series of events surrounding the ‘May 13′ riot has been documented by Dr Kua Kia Soong in his latest book May 13: Declassified Documents on the Malaysian Riots of 1969 which will be launched on Sunday in conjunction with the 38th anniversary of the tragedy.
This compilation, based on various sets of foreign dispatches and confidential reports at the time – which were declassified recently and made available at the Public Records Office in London – has been dubbed as the first credible account on the incident.
“The real circumstances surrounding the worst racial riot in the history of Malaysia have so far not been made available to the Malaysian public. The official version is fraught with contradictions and inadequacies to which few pay credence,” Kua wrote in the book.
Below are excerpts and summary of the chronology of events based on the declassified documents taken from Kua’s book:
May 10:
The ruling Alliance Party suffered a major setback in the general election although it had managed to retain a simple parliamentary majority. They had lost Penang to the Gerakan Party; Kelantan to the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party while Perak and Selangor were at the brink of falling into the opposition’s hands.
May 11 and May 12:
On both nights, the opposition celebrated their victory. A large Gerakan procession was held to welcome the left-wing Gerakan leader V David back from winning the federal seat in Penang.
May 13:
The MCA which had suffered badly at the polls, announced that it would withdraw from the cabinet while remaining within the Alliance.
A dispatch from a foreign correspondent showed it is evident that there was a plan for youths mobilised by Umno elements to assemble at then Selangor menteri besar Harun Idris’ residence in the late afternoon. A retaliatory march had been planned although police permission was withheld.
When people were still assembling for the parade, trouble broke out in the nearby Malay section of Kampung Baru, where two Chinese lorries were burnt. The ensuing carnage at Kampung Baru and Batu Road quickly spread elsewhere in Kuala Lumpur.
The foreign correspondent noted the curfew that was imposed was not fairly applied to all.
“In the side streets off Jalan Hale, I could see bands of Malay youths armed with parangs and sharpened bamboo spears assembled in full view of troops posted at road junctions. Meanwhile, at Batu Road, a number of foreign correspondents saw members of the Royal Malay Regiment firing into Chinese shophouses for no apparent reason.”
Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman immediately attributed the violence as triggered off by the behaviour of opposition supporters after the election result announcement while his deputy Tun Abdul Razak pinned the blame on the communists.
May 14:
The riots continued but on a smaller scale. The curfew was only lifted in staggered hours in various districts to allow people to buy food. The police called out all possible reserves and handed over the northern part of the city to the army.
Police put casualties for the previous night incident at 44 killed and about 150 injured. Another dispatch showed the casualties were mainly Chinese as it stated that out of 77 corpses in the morgue of the General Hospital on May 14, at least 60 were Chinese.
The government’s attempts to blame the communists for the riots were however not taken seriously by the officials at the British High Commission (BHC) who could see that the Tunku was not prepared to blame his own people for the riots, nor was he going to blame it on the Chinese “as a whole”.
May 15:
The King proclaimed a state of emergency. The National Operations Council headed by Tun Razak was formed. Tun Razak was still responsible to the Tunku, but all the powers under Emergency Regulations were vested in him.
The curfew had been lifted temporarily in Kuala Lumpur that morning but the situation had rapidly worsened and more sporadic fighting had broken out. Curfews were re-imposed but food was very short.
The local press was suspended until censorship regulations could be drawn up but no attempt was made to supervise reports sent out by foreign correspondents.
May 16:
The situation was still tense in Selangor with cars and houses being burned and fatalities rising. Death tolls had risen to 89 with over 300 injured. 24 hour curfew remained in force in Selangor and had also been imposed in Malacca. In Penang and Perak, the situation had improved although the curfew remained in force.
Tunku made a broadcast in which he announced the setting up of a National Defence Force to be manned by volunteers. The new information minister Hamzah Abu Samah and Tun Razak gave a press conference pinning the blame for the riots on communist infiltration of the opposition parties.
There were reports of looting by the largely Malay military and their bias against the Chinese Malaysians. Number of refugees were increasing.
May 17:
From a BHC telegram, it showed there were skepticism among British officers toward the official figures for fatalities and the preponderance of Chinese casualties among the dead. The police estimated the deaths at about 100 now while British officers estimated the proportion of Chinese to Malay casualties is about 85:15.
The press censorship invited criticism not only from the local press but also in diplomatic circles especially when official statements lacked clarity and credibility.
In a confidential BHC memorandum to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), the coup d’etat has been acknowledged and it has effected the transfer of power not only to “Malay hands” but also to the security forces. The latter’s professionalism is questioned.
The BHC also noted the Federal Reserve Unit, which at the time was multiracial in composition, was the more impartial of the security forces while the Malay troops were discriminatory in enforcing the curfew.
“Discriminatory takes the form, for example, of not, repeat not, enforcing the curfew in one of the most violently disposed of the Malay areas in Kuala Lumpur (Kampung Baru) where Malays armed with parangs, etc continue to circulate freely; with the inevitable result that gangs slip through the cordon round the area and attack Chinese outside it. In Chinese areas, the curfew is strictly enforced.”
May 18:
The Tunku qualified his earlier assertion that the disturbances were caused by communists, putting the blame instead on assorted “bad elements”. He also announced the deferment of the Sarawak elections and the continuance of the restrictions on the movement of foreign journalists.
The situation was still unsettled in some parts of the capital city.
May 19:
Less than a week after the riots, the reins of power had effectively passed to Tun Razak, indicating that there had been a plot to bring about the coup d’etat.
“The exact relationship between Tun Razak and the Tunku is not clear. In public Tun Razak says he is directly responsible to the Tunku but he has made it clear privately that he is completely in charge of the country. This could mean the beginning of a process of withdrawal by the Tunku as an effective PM”.
There are some 10,000 reported refugees. The local press was allowed to publish under censorship while foreign journalists had their curfew passes withdrawn. Some opposition politicians were arrested.
May 20:
In a meeting, an Australian High Commissioner had suggested the opposition leaders should be given a role as peace maker but Tun Razak and Ghazali Shafie were firmly against this. “They considered opposition leaders would simply use such an opportunity to promote their own political views.”
The Malaysian Red Cross Society is continuing its daily feeding programme for refugees in various places and over 5,000 had received food supplies.
May 21:
The official statistics of casualties at this juncture were 137 killed (18 Malays), 342 injured, 109 vehicles burned, 118 buildings destroyed and 2,912 persons arrested who were mostly curfew breakers.
May 23:
The declassified documents reveal that Malay troops were not only fraternising with the Malay thugs but were discharging their firearms indiscriminately at Chinese shophouses as they went through the city.
“When confronted by foreign correspondents with reports of racial discrimination, Tun Razak flatly denied them. Following this, curfew passes issued to foreign journalists were withdrawn and reporters were ordered to remain indoors ‘for their own safety’.”
A foreign correspondent’s report showed the Malay hooligans were detested by the law-abiding Malays of Kampung Baru.
Internal security and home minister Tun Dr Ismail indicated that the Internal Security Act would be in future amended to “counter changing communist tactics”. It was disclosed that of the 3,699 arrested during the crisis, 952 were members of secret societies.
May 24:
Law and order has been re-established in Kuala Lumpur and the atmosphere in the town had improved. People were going back to work (in non- curfew hours) and the government offices were limbering into action. The curfew remained in force (from 3pm to 6.30am of the following day). The government was not ready to admit that it was armed Malay youth who had caused the disturbances.
May 27:
The Tunku was under pressure to resign as he was clearly incensed by foreign journalists’ speculations about his weakening position and got his private secretary to write a protest note to the BHC.
May 28:
A confidential report by the BHC to the FCO on this day observed the government’s attempts to blame the communists for the disturbances were an attempt to justify their new authoritarian powers.
June:
The riots had been under control but they were still sporadic outbreaks of civil disturbances. A BHC report noted violence erupted again in one part of Kuala Lumpur on the night of June 28 and 29, a number of houses were burnt and the casualties were officially given as five killed and 25 injured. Some disturbances toward the end of June also involved ethnic Indians.
July:
Renewed trouble in which one policeman was killed was quickly stopped from spreading in Kuala Lumpur by positive police action.
Tun Ismail’s firm stand in ordering the security forces to act firmly ‘without favour or discrimination’ to any communal group and the Tunku’s announcement of a National Goodwill Committee made up of politicians of all parties went some way toward allaying the fears of the people.
Tun Ismail also revealed the total arrests since May now stood at 8,114, comprising people “from all the major racial groups”. Of these, 4,192 had been charged in court, 675 released on bail, 1,552 unconditionally released and 1,695 preventively detained.
Situation in the Peninsula had improved substantially but tension remains high in sensitive areas of Malacca, Perak and Selangor.
Tension had begun to ease until Malay agitation connected with Tunku’s return to a position of influence and the removal of Dr Mahathir Mohamad from Umno’s general committee on July 12 had heightened it again. Malay university students petitioned for Tunku’s resignation and demonstrated on the campus.
*** TAKEN FROM A FWD MAIL***

Jais acted within the law

May 14th, 2007
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Jais acted within the law
http://www.thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2007/5/14/nation/17718626&sec=nation
By LOONG MENG YEE
PETALING JAYA: The Selangor Islamic Religious Department (Jais) insists it acted within the law when its enforcement officers detained a woman for allegedly committing khalwat (close proximity) with her Hindu “husband” in Klang on April 28.
“Certain media reports had made out the detention to be a case of Jais trying to break up families. That is not true at all. The woman was detained on suspicions of committing khalwat because she was with a man.
“When our enforcement officers asked the couple to produce their marriage certificate, they failed to do so,” said Jais director Datuk Mohd Khusrin Munawi.
He added that Jais had followed all procedures before the detention, for the case to stand in the syariah court.
In the incident, it was reported that Jais had taken away the Muslim wife of a 25-year-old lorry driver who is a Hindu.
Jais enforcement officers allegedly told the husband that their Hindu marriage was void.
The husband then filed a notice of motion to the Shah Alam High Court through lawyer Karpal Singh to be reunited with his wife, whom he believed was under the custody of Jais.
Mohd Khusrin said Jais had received two complaints alleging the Muslim woman was cohabitating with a man.
It is believed one of the complainants was the woman’s brother.
After the complainants filled up the necessary papers, Jais started the investigation under Section 29 of the Selangor Syariah Crime Enactment 1995.
“We detained the woman based on the complaints and also because she could not produce any relevant marriage documents when asked.
“We did not detain the man because he is not a Muslim and not subjected to Syariah laws. It is clear Jais is not prejudiced or acted irrationally in this matter,” said Mohd Khusrin.
He added that the woman had voluntarily asked Jais to place her at the Pusat Pemurnian Akidah in Hulu Selangor to strengthen her faith.
“We can prove all our procedures were conducted according to the law and without any coercion involved,” he said

New book on charismatic preacher Sant Sohan

May 14th, 2007
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New book on charismatic preacher Sant Sohan
http://www.thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2007/5/14/nation/17704283&sec=nation
By SIMRIT KAUR
PETALING JAYA: When Saran Singh Sidhu, 62, was compiling a book on the life of Malaysia’s most revered Sikh missionary, Sant Baba Sohan Singh Ji, he felt guided by the holy man.
“I don’t think this book could have been written without the divine help of Sant Sohan,” said the retiree who was commissioned by Gurdwara Sahib Malacca and the Sant Sohan Singh Ji Malacca Memorial Society to compile the book.
“He was a very charismatic preacher and had a great sense of humour. He could mesmerise the congregation with his beautiful lectures on the Sikh religion,” said Saran Singh who had met the holy man many times.
Saran Singh travelled to Sant Sohan’s birthplace in India – the farming village of Chathewalla, in the Bathinda district in Punjab and interviewed his relatives for the book Sant Baba Sohan Singh Ji of Malacca (1902-1972): His Life and Times.
It is partly based on two previous books published in Punjabi – Safal Jeevan – Sant Sohan Singh Ji Melaka written by the late Tara Singh Hitaishi and a compilation of Sant Sohan’s lectures, Maan Yogh Sajjano, published by the late Datuk T. Mahima Singh Dhaliwal.
Written with divine help: Author Saran Singh with his book, Sant Baba Sohan Singh Ji of Malacca (1902- 1972): His Life and Times. The book is available at a subsidised cost of RM50 plus postage. As Sant Sohan was also a noted herbalist, the book also features his personal accounts about the numerous remedies attributed to him.
Every year, tens of thousands of Sikhs from all over the world gather for prayers in Malacca to mark Sant Sohan’s death anniversary.
He was made a Sikh priest or granthi at the Malacca Gurdwara Sahib in 1927, a position he held until his death on May 24,1972.
The three-day prayers will begin on Friday. The highlight will be the launch of Saran Singh’s book on Saturday at 4pm.
This will be followed by a ground-breaking ceremony for a museum devoted to the memory of Sant Sohan.
“He has made an outstanding contribution to Sikhs in Malaysia and Singapore through his religious discourse and service to the community,” said Saran Singh who previously authored Sikh Gurdwaras in Malaysia and Singapore: An Illustrated History 1873-2003.
The 465-page book, Sant Baba Sohan Singh Ji of Malacca (1902-1972): His Life and Times is available from the Gurdwara Sahib Malacca/Sant Sohan Singh Ji Malacca Memorial Society at 150-A, Jalan Temenggong, 75000 Malacca at a subsidised cost of RM50 plus postage.
For information, e-mail info@gurdwarasahibmelaka.com

Report on Kg Medan – UUM study

May 14th, 2007
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“”Just as we have Mara for Malays, we should establish something for non-Malays. We must make sure they have a fair shot at getting educated.”
hmmm…
In short, help the poor..all of them; not just some of them based on race.
Spotlight :Poverty led to Kg Medan clashes By : Aniza Damis
http://www.nst.com.my/Current_News/NST/Monday/National/20070514081411/Article/index_html
The troubles of the past few days seem distant for this Malay woman and her Indian friend as they cycle past policemen in Kampung Medan in Petaling Jaya on March 14, 2001.
For such a multiethnic country, Malaysia has been blessed with little ethnic strife. In 50 years of independence, the country has had only three big ethnic clashes. The first — May 13, 1969 — a ‘wake-up call’, is the elephant in the room that no one talks about. The second, Kampung Rawa in 1998, was upsetting, but relatively non-violent. The third, Kampung Medan in 2001, resulted in six deaths. A study, five years later, on Kampung Medan has just been completed. And, as ANIZA DAMIS finds out, these ethnic clashes are symptoms of poverty and social neglect THE story of Kampung Medan is a sad one. On March 9, 2001, a social disagreement between two groups, Malay and Indian, led to racial clashes that took three weeks to calm down. The final tally of that incident: Six dead and more than 400 detained. For Malaysians, who pride themselves on being multiethnic, tolerant and more than happy to celebrate the festivities of other races, the flare-up in Kampung Medan was a blip that marred the country’s harmony. To the outsider, the incident at Kampung Medan is but an example of the “undercurrents” that run beneath the country’s multiethnic makeup, ready to be let loose by those who would let go of their self-control and revert to the laws of the jungle. But is the issue really about racial differences, and are Malay- sians inherently racist? Associate Professor Dr Mansor Mohd Noor doesn’t think the problem is racial.. The problem, he said, was poverty. “If you are poor, you have the same problems. This is our problem, not a Malay or Indian problem,” he added. Having led the Universiti Utara Malaysia team into two studies on the Kampung Medan incident — the first time soon after the incident, and the second time at the end of last year – Mansor said Kampung Medan was a socio-economic problem that manifested itself in racial terms. “Even though the conflict seem-ed to be racially-based, issues of urban poverty, marginalisation and social neglect were the factors that caused the conflict,” said last year’s report, commissioned by the National Unity and Integration Department. “Kampung Medan was a chain of problems, not just one problem,” said Mansor, who is UUM’s Public Management and Law faculty deputy dean. Poverty and marginalisation, he said, led to a breakdown in society. “The people of Kampung Medan had no social life and no social activity. If you reach that level, it will explode. “The people who were involved in that incident came from the low-income group. They had poor self-esteem, no social activities, no link between them and the government, and no link with the community.” What’s even sadder, he said, was that the residents were “double victims”. Not only were they poor, jobless and marginalised, but they were also the victims of violent ethnic conflict. The study — by a team comprising Mansor, Associate Professor Dr Puvenesvary Ravantharanathe Muthiah, Mohd Ainuddin Iskandar Lee Abdullah, and Mohd Dino Khairi Sarifuddin — surveyed the racial unity of residents of Kampung Medan. Among others, the survey looked at problems in daily life and at the national level to see whether the problems that the residents faced were ethnic-based, or whether they were problems that they all shared, irrespective of ethnicity. A questionnaire was answered by 87 Malays and 57 Indians. Most were from the low-income group. Out of seven problems the two ethnic groups faced in their lives, cost of living was the primary concern for both races. Racial problems featured sixth for Malays, and fifth for Indians. National problems that concerned the respondents were corruption, social problems, joblessness and leadership crisis, not religious issues or racial problems, which were considered unimportant. And problems that plagued the village consisted of social problems among youth, lack of infrastructure and poverty.
And in challenges in daily life, although cost of living and welfare and schooling of their children were a worry, dealing with the government was the greatest problem for both ethnic groups. Although the percentage of those who reported these problems might only comprise between 20 and 30 per cent of the Kampung Medan population, the report surmised that the existence of these problems meant that respondents lived in an environment of poverty, with a culture of being poor and marginalised from mainstream society. “This was a millstone around the neck of these residents, which prevented them from achieving social mobility,” said the report. “This might result in this neglected group becoming anti-government, with a tendency (kecenderungan) to solving their problems in an extremist and militant manner.” Although the incident was linked or attributed to ethnicity, it did not involve the Chinese community. This, the study said, “shows that the country’s success in developing the nation to the extent that poverty management among Malays and Chinese has reduced the risk of conflict between the two ethnic communities”. Mansor said rich Malays, Chinese and Indians could use the public space to deal with their problems, but poor Malays and Indians did not have access to this luxury. So, instead, they expressed themselves in terms of ethnicity and religion. In a multi-ethnic community, those who are poor, jobless and marginalised tend to resort to ethnic grouping to defend their own interests. As a result, the ethnic dimension is raised, leading to tension and violence. So, it is this problem of development that is considered to be the cause of the ethnic conflict, and not ethnicity itself. “(The) Kampung Medan (incident) is a problem of the urban poor,” said Mansor, adding that the potential for discord could be shared by other places with the same socio-economic problems as those faced by the residents of Kampung Medan. In Malaysia, a social conflict can turn to an ethnic and religious conflict, starting as a misunderstanding, then escalating and triggering rage that will end in violent conflict. Because of this, said the report, attention needed to be given by the government. Mansor said: “To have national unity, order must come first. We need to aim for zero conflict. But to have zero conflict, we must solve the problem of poverty.” A strong government policy was needed to tackle poverty.
Building low-cost flats and relocating squatters to them is a superficial solution that doesn’t address the problem of pulling the poor out of poverty. “If we want social stability, the poor must be managed. There must be access to education, community-based activities and micro-credit.” The only way to tackle this, he said, was that there must be government sponsorship. “The government must support education for the poor, perhaps by providing boarding schools for them. “Just as we have Mara for Malays, we should establish something for non-Malays. We must make sure they have a fair shot at getting educated.” In addition, a community-based approach should be implemented to make sure the poor have access to social activities and recreation, and opportunity for healthy interaction. On this, Mansor said, the National Unity and Integration Department was “on the right footing” by introducing Rukun Tetangga branches and keeping an eye out on conflict areas. But, he said, tackling social problems like Kampung Medan required the help of all government agencies, especially the Women, Family and Community Development Ministry and the Youth and Sports Ministry. For Mansor, race and ethnicity were not stumbling blocks or problems. “Don’t look at it in black-and-white. The tremendous colours that Malaysia has indicate harmony rather than conflict. We should celebrate diversity.”
Green is okay, yellow is worrying, red is dangerous
IS the measure of unity to be found in peace, where a nation’s multiethnic citizens do not fight, or is it to be measured by friendship?
Some sociologists would argue that the polarisation over which we wring our hands, is in fact not polarisation at all, but just the status quo.
“Polarisation is when people who were once together are now apart. But, if you look back at the patterns of Malaysian society, you will see that Malays have always grouped with Malays in their residential and social arrangements, and so too with the Indians and Chinese,” said National Unity and Integration Department director-general Datuk Azman Amin Hassan.
This arrangement, he said, might not be some people’s idea of unity, but was relatively peaceful. And this is the basic level of unity.
“There are other sociologists who believe that Malaysians should mix, that is, live in mixed neighbourhoods, go to schools which are mixed — and eventually, be in mixed marriages. This is another way of looking at unity.
“Neither theory is right or wrong, but each requires a different approach.”
For a long time, unity was measured according to the perception of whether people thought that they were united.
But, said Azman, the instrument for measurement of perception had always been a problem: How do you measure perception?
This is why the department is now focusing on conflict.
“Conflict is easier to measure,” said Azman.
The department has set up a “Traffic Light” system of measuring and pro-actively managing conflict.
In the system, there are three levels of conflict: Green, yellow (amber) and red.
Green is when an issue is raised, but there is nothing to be alarmed about. People might have disagreements, and there might be minor physical altercations.
Yellow is when an occasion has been boiling for some time, or it occurs several times in a short period. At this level, the physical altercation might result in serious injury.
If a situation reaches yellow, then the department will intervene, usually by having Rukun Tetangga (neighbourhood watch) step in, mediate and calm the situation.
The system, which is part of the National Unity and Integration Action Plan, has been up since June.
“As much as possible, we don’t want it to even reach yellow,” he said, adding that the issue that concerned the department involved the controversy over apostasy and religious conversions, which lies between green and yellow.
Finally, the extreme is red. This is when there is serious injury or someone is killed.
In using this tracking system, the department relies on Rukun Tetangga.
“It is not easy for the government to just come in when there is trouble.
“That is why Rukun Tetangga works so well, because it is made up of locals, and who are known to the residents,” Azman said.
Kampung Medan, for instance, did not have an RT branch before the 2001 incident, but it does now.
In the recent Kampung Medan study, it was found that Rukun Tetangga was one area of community activity that drew the most active participation from Malay and Indian residents.